The Death of Elizabeth I: Remembering and Reconstructing the Virgin Queen

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Oliver Hennessey teaches at Xavier University of Louisiana. His research interests include Shakespeare appropriation during the Irish Literary Revival and presentist approaches to Shakespeare and carnival. She is currently editing a collection of early modern poems and short prose works in which male narrators impersonate women. She also directs the Festival's summer student training program and is a member of the adjunct faculty of the Department of Theatre and Dance at Tulane University. With Margaret W. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Elizabeth Howard , English aristocrat and courtier.

She died in and was buried at Greenwich.

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Elizabeth Southwell , maid of honour to Queen Elizabeth in , maid of honour to Anne of Denmark, and third wife of Robert Dudley. She wrote an account of the death of Queen Elizabeth.

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Her portrait is drawn in an Italian armorial. Most of the foreign diplomats in London did not experience the same kind of financial trouble as Cecilia. Unfortunately for Cecilia, her popularity in England had sunk to such a low level that it was not advantageous for her to remain in the country. She started planning her return trip. To compound her problems, however, Christopher, who had earlier crossed the Channel to Antwerp, returned to England incognito and was arrested and imprisoned in Rochester.

Some merchants, apparently, had recognized him, and he was charged for a 5,pound loan he had not repaid. He then returned to the continent, this time to Calais, to wait for his wife there. His arrest only affirmed the decision for Cecilia to permanently leave England. According to de Silva, she still owed at this point about 15, pounds, and before leaving, she gave them pledges that they would be paid.

Most of the available evidence falls into the detraction camp. Moreover, her creditors continued to hound her for payment, much to her annoyance and one later episode with John Dymoch became a highly politicized matter. Cecilia long remembered the negative aspects of her trip to England, and in a letter penned by her four years later to King John of Sweden, who had deposed Erik in , expressed her complaints about the country.

As it happened, though, she fell into disrepute. To further her problems, aggressive creditors began to demand payment, a condition which would eventually precipitate her departure. Erik had been interested in courting Elizabeth even before she was crowned queen. An embassy was sent in to propose a possible marriage alliance between Elizabeth and Erik, but this embassy failed in its mission.

Later, in , Gustav and Erik decided to send another mission to England, which would include his brother, John, Duke of Finland. This also failed, and there was no hint that Elizabeth had an inclination to accept his proposal. A later, more formal, diplomatic mission was intitated under Nils Gyllenstierna, the Chancellor of Sweden, who resided in England for several months. He, too, was unsuccessful, and by , Erik had given up on wooing Elizabeth.

Ohlssons Boktyckeri , Fritzes Kungliga Hofbokhandel, , Etchells and Macdonald, , This is largely the reason that Cecilia requested the queen to add a few lines to encourage her brother to let her come, which was included in her letter of May 23, to the queen. Bell, Swedish Princess, 48— Seaton, Swedish Princess, Seaton, Swedish Princess, 17— Bell, Swedish Princess, Ibid; The Earl of Arundel warned Dr.

Seaton, Swedish Princess, 22— Bernard Manchester: Manchester University Press, , — Bernard Manchester: Manchester University Press, , Seaton, Swedish Princess, 6.

Siegfried How great deception is in false coynage; The plate may be bryght in his shewing, The metall false and shew a fayre visage, All is not golde, to speake in playne language Giovanni Boccaccio, trans. John Lidgate c. William Shakespeare, King Lear c. One clock went up on the newly repaired Dublin Castle, another was added to St. Even within the bounds of the English Pale, her claim to the Kingdom of Ireland could be—and frequently was—challenged, subverted, appropriated, and satirized.

The death of Elizabeth I. Remembering and reconstructing the Virgin Queen

Indeed, the majority of her own English subjects were still Catholic upon her accession in Indeed, there was no sense of a unifying English tradition that Elizabeth could have drawn on in the same way she could with her local subjects. Ireland, after all, was a foreign kingdom. Gaelic princes acknowledged or refuted English sovereignty depending on what was strategically useful and tended to see themselves as part of the old unified Christendom. All three groups took advantage of a significant level of inconsistency in the apportionment of jurisdiction between the London and Dublin seats of colonial government.

In this regard, the preoccupation with coinage was also an argument for authority. But if they be counterfeited, and made in brass, copper or other vile metal, who for print only calleth them nobles? Whereby it appeareth that the estimation is in the metal and not in the print or figure. Positive perception was crucial, and Elizabeth was canny and careful in structuring her own public representations to this end. Indeed, the medium of money and the instrument of time were the parentheses of civic intercourse: Figure 3.

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From the collection of John Stafford-Langan, reproduced here with his kind permission. From the collection of the author. Siegfried coins circulated among the people even as the traffic of commerce, religious devotion, and legal transactions were guided by clocks. Interestingly, clocks and coins smoothed the temporal relations of public intercourse strictly insofar as their symbolic sovereignty gave way to commonplace use. That is, these representations of Elizabeth mattered, but they did so precisely insofar as they could be taken for granted. Paradoxically, the symbolic structure of her sovereignty entered material culture at the less-than-exalted level of everyday use.

The poor, argues the new queen, stand to gain the most when currency is refined. Their most obvious and spectacular achievement, of course, was an integral part of the recoinage of —1.

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Siegfried will, will yelde to bear a smal burden for a time, to avoide a perpetuall and endlesse oppressyon, not onley of them selves and their posteritie, but also of the whole common weal. The attention to the Irish money was not, moreover, merely another desultory gesture of sovereignty over the neighboring isle.

As Paul E.

Please your Majesty to send me three thousand pounds of English money to pay my expenses in going over to you, and when I come back I will pay your deputy three thousand pounds Irish, such as you are pleased to have current here. There is no question that it underscored the precariousness of claiming Ireland as a kingdom while treating it as a colony. Indeed, for the English in Dublin during the s, the question of how to define kingship in a land full of provincial princes and petty kings was of immediate concern. The previous generation had witnessed in Henry VIII a fading desire to prolong military initiative or invest in creative economic pressure against the Gaelic princes.

First, he attempted to woo Gaelic leaders to take English titles; second, he methodically eradicated signs of Gaelic kingship in both bureaucratic and pointedly public depictions of Ireland. In the s, hoping to cess out the financial possibilities of Ireland, Henry ordered several assessments of the island to be taken.

The Death of Elizabeth I

Indeed, while the Gaelic Irish were happy to trade for English-produced goods, they rarely adopted English customs and outright rejected Henrician legal codes. Irish order. As the report goes on to explain, in addition to following Irish structures and traditions of governance, tribute was being paid to native Irish princes rather than to the officials of the English Crown. This was not an empty gesture toward Catholic minorities in a colonial state otherwise recognized as being under newly Protestant sovereignty. Rather, distinguished Catholic members of the international community, who considered Henry to have abdicated his role as administrator of what had been deemed for centuries a papal fiefdom, continued to refer to prominent Irish leaders as kings.

Dominus Hiberniae. This inferior money—which was illegal to import to England due to its baseness—featured his own coat of arms and new title Rex Hirbniae on one side and the Gaelic symbol of kingship, the harp, on the other. If this was an explicit nod to the tradition in which bards and brehans were instrumental in establishing local sovereignty, it was also a gesture of audacious cupidity.

The culmination of over thirty years of such arguments may be seen in the writings of the Papal Nuncio, Nicolas Sander, who was sent from Spain to Ireland to encourage the Desmond uprising against Elizabeth. In both cases, the English monarch had sundered meaningful ethical relation and had shown himself incapable of moral leadership and, via divine justice, became the instrument of his own punishment: The silver coin hitherto most pure in England, was for the first time turned into brass by the king—a manifest judgment of God for the rapine and the sacrilege committed by him.