Mandated Landscape: British Imperial Rule in Palestine 1929-1948
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Mandated Landscape: British Imperial Rule In Palestine, 1929–1948
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Thus far, the research has focused on the founding documents of British authority in Mandate Palestine and the extent to which they have been considered by historians to have been influenced by pro-Arab or pro-Zionist sympathies. It will be helpful now to take a brief look at how historians have considered the implementation of these policies by the Mandatory Administration from The earliest attempt to give a concrete basis for self-governing institutions in the Mandate was contained within the abortive Constitution of This Constitution called for the creation of a legislative council to advise the high commissioner, to be 60 Ibid.
Myres, S. Gilding 16 comprised of 23 members. Eleven of these members would be chosen by the government and twelve would be elected from a wide franchise, with the stipulation that eight had to be Muslims, two Christians, and two Jews. According to the Zionists, however, including Chaim Weizmann, the Mandatory was doing far too much to maintain the appearance of equality towards Arabs and Jews.
According to Huneidi, his statements seemed conciliatory towards the Arab population; but it was only in the interests of keeping the peace while he laid the foundations of a Jewish state. He appointed Norman Bentwich, an individual with deep 64 Charles D. Gilding 17 Zionist sympathies, to supervise the Land Registry Department a post he held until The result was that by , thousands of indebted peasant Arabs had been displaced by Zionist purchases of land from large absentee landowners. Despite the fact that Zionists themselves often criticise the immigration policies as having been too stringent after the Jaffa violence of , Albert M.
Hyamson, who served as Chief Immigration Officer from to , and who was a committed Zionist, claimed that Palestine let in as many Jews as they possibly could under the circumstances.
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Rogan and Avi Shlaim eds. The perception of the years between and , however, appears to be slightly more complex.
Samuel was replaced as high commissioner by Lord Plumer in and Plumer was replaced by Sir John Chancellor in , both were experienced colonial administrators. Although it was considered to be a neutral measure, it was obvious that the Zionists, with their close organisation based to some extent on religious lines, would be able to make better use of it to establish a relatively autonomous and self-governing community.
In his private correspondence he openly supported Arab political demands. This situation made it far easier for Arab Palestinians to create a closer working relationship with the British administration. He claims that in supporting the Mufti, the Administration virtually invited the extreme violence of In direct response to the violence, the British sent a commission, headed by Sir Walter Shaw to attempt to identify the underlying causes of the violence which broke out between Muslims and Jews after confrontations at the Wailing Wall.
The Shaw Commission published a report in which it identified Arab apprehension about Jewish intentions in Palestine as the major cause of the violence. The very fact that the issues identified as causing violence were the cornerstones of Zionist policy in Palestine meant that the Shaw Report was seen as conciliatory towards the Arabs. Gilding 20 criticised the Histadrut for its exclusive Jewish labour policies. The report recommended a program of agricultural development aimed at keeping the Arab peasants on the land. It is claimed that not only was Hope Simpson himself an anti-Semite and anti-Zionist, the conclusions of his report were reached before he was even despatched to Palestine.
Many see the Passfield White Paper of as marking a new direction in British policy, one which leaned towards support for the Arabs and was only able to clearly express itself in the circumstances of Hyamson, Palestine Under the Mandate, , Gilding 22 government in London. The Administration maintained its policies to curtail Jewish immigration despite increasing pressure from the League of Nations PMC not to do so.
Although this was a fairly accurate representation by population, the Zionists rejected it because it would fix on them a minority status. Gilding 23 damaging their relations with other Arab states. In fact, one of the major factors in determining the policies and policy implementation was certainly the budget. A significant portion of the Palestine budget continued to go towards defence and policing and it was an imperial policy that a colonial budget should not run a deficit, so as to not be a burden on the British taxpayer. It must therefore be acknowledged that the Palestine Administration, for financial and strategic purposes, practiced conciliation—which at different times angered Arabs and Jews—in order to avoid outbreaks of violence.
The accepted policy of conciliation broke down to a potentially irreparable extent when the largest outbreak of violence in the history of the Mandate began in Many officials were killed and schools as well as stations dealing with agriculture and forestry were destroyed. Gilding 24 immigration and the Zionist project. Nor can one doubt the immense damage done in the suppression of the Arab Revolt to the Arab nationalist leadership.
A predominantly Jewish state, an Arab state, and a British mandated territory in the holy areas around Jerusalem. Neither the Zionists nor the Arabs were prepared to accept the partition proposal. The primary purpose of the Mandate, it claimed, was to promote the establishment of the Jewish National Home. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, : 8. Gilding 25 Mandatory government has shown in the face of Arab violence. By the Woodhead Commission was sent to devise a more detailed plan for partition. But the Foreign Office stipulated that forced transfer of populations were not to take place and that partition would have to operate on a very limited budget.
The resulting Woodhead Report produced no majority plan and a White Paper was formulated in November rejecting partition entirely and reaffirming its commitment to the dual obligation. Historians have generally regarded the White Paper of as having been made to conciliate the Arabs in order to secure their assistance in the event of a global conflict. It reaffirmed the rejection of partition as a solution, reaffirmed the dual obligation contained within the Mandate document, and called vaguely for the creation of an independent Palestine within ten years in which both Arabs and Jews would share power.
Zionists saw it as a betrayal of the terms of the Balfour Declaration and the Mandate. Gilding 26 law could be said to exist in Palestine. In reviewing the historiography surrounding the policy making and policy implementation of the British Mandate from to it is possible to discern several clear trends.
This culminated in the White Paper, whereby the Administration directly repudiated the promises of the Balfour Declaration and from then only an armed struggle would lead to the achievement of the goals of Zionism. Many other historians have tended to see the Mandate as primarily fulfilling the wishes of the Zionists, only providing the bare minimum to the Arabs in order to maintain peace and order. This consistent support of Zionism is seen to be proven by the fact that the Administration enlisted the help of the Jewish communities in order to put down the Arab Revolt—an event which had a significant impact on the conflict following the end of the Mandate in Another trend emerges, however, in reviewing the historiography.
It tends to place emphasis on the British policy of an equal dual obligation towards the Arabs and the Jews in Palestine. Gilding 27 ambiguity of the dual obligation, as it was affirmed in policy documents from the Balfour Declaration to the White Paper of , gave the British Mandatory Administration the flexibility to pursue conciliation between Arabs and Jews in Palestine in order to secure strategic imperial interests.
Indeed, the dual obligation to facilitate the development of the Jewish national home and to safeguard the rights of the Arab population provided the moral and political foundations of the Mandate. So long as Britain had a desire to remain in Palestine for strategic purposes, they would no doubt continue to reaffirm the dual obligation. Gilding 28 Bibliography Abu-Ghazaleh, Adnan. Atran, Scott. Brown, L. Bunton, Martin. Cohen, Michael J. London: Paul Elek, Cunningham, Alan. El-Eini, Roza I.
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New York: Routledge, Friesel, Evyatar. Gelber, Marvin. Lucidly written, Mandated Landscape is also a rich source of information supported by numerous maps, tables and illustrations, and has 66 appendices, a considerable bibliography and extensive index. With a theoretical and historical backdrop, the ramifications of British rule are highlighted in their impact on town planning, agriculture, forestry, land, the partition plans and a case study, presenting discussions on such issues as development, ecological shock, law and the controversial division of village lands, as the British operated in a politically turbulent climate, often within their own administration.
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